By Melina Rocha Lukic, Carla Tomazini
This e-book gathers jointly papers that current study on public regulations in Latin the USA, all of which undertake a cognitive strategy. This theoretical framework relies at the research of public coverage from a cognitive and normative viewpoint; extra particularly, throughout the thoughts of paradigm, body of reference and advocacy coalition. during this experience, the most questions posed listed below are: what paradigms have Latin American public regulations in recent times? How have the paradigms answered to the industrial and political alterations that have happened within the zone? How have they replaced over the years? The publication additionally offers a dialogue of the actors and coalitions concerned about Latin American public rules. whereas the kingdom was once the most protagonist of public motion, a few different actors, coalitions and associations have emerged in recent times, exchanging it in numerous components. who're they and who do they characterize? How do they impact the atmosphere of agendas in Latin American public coverage? What are their thoughts and their roles within the formula and implementation of public regulations? so one can solution some of these questions, the papers offered during this e-book mix conceptual dialogue and empirical research of numerous fields of public coverage akin to society, schooling, land, and indigenous and monetary coverage.
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Additional info for Analyzing Public Policies in Latin America: A Cognitive Approach
The three main coalitions that can be identified are the MALR advocate coalition, the MALR opponents and the MALR-skeptics. The market advocate coalition was led by experts from the World Bank and technocrats from the Colombian Agriculture Ministry who considered the MALR the most efficient way to distribute land. Throughout the 1990s, the World Bank promoted8 the MALR as a new mode of redistributive agrarian reform, free from the alleged inefficiency and corruption of state-led interventions,9 and coherent with the imperatives of the “second generation” of structural reform10 (Van Zyl, Kirsten and Binswanger 1995, Burki and Perry 1997, Deininger and Binswanger 1999).
Two Cheers for CCTs. IDS Bulletin: Debating Social Protection 38 (3): 69í73. —. 2008. Conditional cash transfers: A pathway to women’s empowerment? Pathways of Women’s Empowerment 5. html. —. Mobilization without emancipation? Women’s interests in state and revolution in Nicaragua. Feminist Studies 11, no. 2 (1985): 227í54. Morel, Nathalie, Bruno Palier, and Joakim Palme. 2011. : Ideas, policies and challenges, ed. N. Morel, B. Palier and J. Palme, 1í30. Bristol: Policy Press. Muller, Pierre. 1990.
30 Chapter Two oppose the reform; the INCORA, who feared losing power, and some regional politicians and landlords, who wanted to maintain control through local political pay-offs and the supervision of land transactions (Suhner 2005). Finally, a wide array of peasants’ organizations opposed the MALR, including tenants’ associations and NGOs. From the beginning, the peasants’ organizations criticized Law 160 and the MALR model (CNC 1999). The National Council of Agrarian and Indigenous Organizations (CONAIC), composed of numerous regional trade unions and organizations of peasants, rural workers and indigenous people12, opposed the MALR project of Gaviria’s government from the start13 (Mondragón 2002, Suhner 2005).